I think it was Winston Churchill who
pointed out that democracy was a bad system, but everything else that
has been tried was even worse. I grew up indoctrinated with the
orthodoxy that democracy was, on the contrary, a very good thing.
However, living and learning do little to substantiate that opinion,
and each passing year deepens my suspicion that the great man was
right.
For small groups and trivial questions,
simple majority voting is more than adequate. As the voters rise into
thousands and millions, though, the scale brings practical problems
to all but the most sparing use of general popular votes. Moreover,
as the questions become more complex and arcane, the validity of the
general lay voters' judgement necessarily declines. Thus, we have to
resort to representative democracy, where the nominally empowered
voters elect, according to context, a committee, council, board or
parliament comprised of those who the voters trust most to study the
complex questions they lack the time, if not the capacity to
research, and vote appropriately on their behalf. Well, that is what
they need to do to make it work, anyway.
Regular readers will have noticed a
mundane tendency of this blog to pay more attention to real world
outcomes than the beauty of theories. So, the reality is, many
voters, especially political voters, do not ask themselves whether
they trust their representatives to judge well on their behalf, but
instead vote for either the most famous candidate or the one from
their loyalty group, without the least attempt to assess their
capabilities to make the well-informed and thought-through decisions
they are unable to make for themselves.
Equality of rights is a fine and good
principle, that I am proud to uphold. Even so, equality of ability is
an absurd fancy, so a presumption of it is an unsound basis for
anything. The compromise lies in the concept of fairness.
Unfortunately, fairness is an inherently subjective matter in a way
that equality is not. We all know what honestly seems fair to each of
us, but our individual ideas of fairness vary and even conflict. Yet
another matter where consensus is probably the best thing, for all
the reflexive difficulty in fairly determining it.
One way to resolve the conflict between
equal rights to vote and unequal ability to use that vote is to
weight the voting, so that those likely to have better judgement
count for more. I do not know why political thinkers generally shy
away from considering this. The only writer I personally know to have
explored it was the mid-20th Century novelist Neville
Shute.
Shute once wrote a dystopic fantasy of
what Britain and the Commonwealth might have been like in the 1980s,
projecting from a time of writing in the early1950s, called “In The
Wet”. His premise, reflecting his personal circumstances as the
proprietor of an aircraft factory under the Attlee government, was
that the UK was a hotbed of creativity and engineering talent dragged
down by an electoral system favouring talentless union placemen,
while the entrepreneurial spirits had all baled out for colonies with
go-ahead leadership, as Shute himself did in real life. In the book,
the extra votes went for having a degree or equivalent, working
abroad then coming back, being a clergyman, raising a family to
adulthood without divorce and a few other indications of being a
solid citizen. Shute's vision, rightly or wrongly, was that this
would lead to a sharp increase in the quality of candidates being
elected.
Sixty or more years on from when Shute
flew his kite, the electoral process is a hot topic in the Bailiwick
of Jersey. The current electoral districts are gerrymandered to
restrict the representation of urban voters to way below pro rata,
and the urban voters do their own part to justify their
under-representation, by mostly abstaining from voting for the few
Members they do get. Despite this manifest apathy, the minority, who
do care, have long clamoured for reform.
2013 actually saw a
referendum on electoral reform, but the questions were fudged to make
a three-way choice between a fine reform, a botch to make matters
worse, or leaving things be. Of course, people will be people and the
botch narrowly won, fortunately with too small a turn-out to provide
any sort of mandate for implementing it. However, one interpretation
that could be put on such a result is that the democratic will of the
people of Jersey is for an unequal distribution of voting power. This
is where Shute's additional vote scheme comes in. With updated and
locally appropriate criteria, only politicians rash enough to suggest
that anyone of superior judgement would be prejudiced against them
could object.
While the principle
is not unreasonable, the devil would be in the detail of how the
additional votes were assigned. Could we trust the States of Jersey
to give the extra power to the wisest voters, or would they settle
for something similar to gerrymandered boundaries, maybe one extra
for a bank clerk, two for an officer, three for lawyer or accountant
and none for a teacher because they are often left-wingers? I fear
the latter would be the reality.
If it could be done
honestly, it could be a way of improving Jersey politics, by playing
on the vanity of the current establishment, to lead them to empower
those who they think would support them but don't. Moreover, it would
accord with the local cultural expectation, that politics should be
for the middle classes. Although I would not back it myself, except
as the other choice to a truly awful option, it is at least a
different approach to stopping Jersey democracy from being considered
an oxymoron, so I offer it as food for thought.
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